manvar surname caste in gujarat

Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. Literally, ekda meant unit, and gol circle, and both signified an endogamous unit. For example, a good number of villages in central Gujarat used to have both Talapada and Pardeshi Kolis and Brahmans belonging to two or three of their many second-order divisions. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. The degree of contravention is less if the couple belong, let us say, to two different fourth-order divisions within a third-order division than if they belong to two different third-order divisions within a second-order division, and so on. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. Toori. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. But there was also another process. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. Our analysis of the internal organization of caste divisions has shown considerable variation in the relative role of the principles of division and hierarchy. Similarly, the Khedawal Brahmans were divided into Baj and Bhitra, the Nagar Brahmans into Grihastha and Bhikshuk, the Anavils into Desai and Bhathela, and the Kanbis into Kanbi and Patidar. There were similar problems about the status of a number of other divisions. The bulk of the population was spread all over the villages as small landholders, tenants and labourers. This category has the following 18 subcategories, out of 18 total. The main occupation of Vankars was the weaving of cloth. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . Weavers became beggars, manufacturing collapsed and the last 2000 years of Indian textile industry was knocked down. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. So in this way, the Maharashtra caste list is given to all cast Aarakshan belonging to the Scheduled Castes category for the state of MH. Marco Polo a Venetian merchant on his visit to India in 13th century Gujarat observed that "brocading art of Gujarat weavers is par excellent". The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. There was an emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower. It was also an extreme example of a division having a highly differentiated internal hierarchy and practising hypergamy as an accepted norm. The name, Talapada, meaning mdigenous, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning foreign, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, [] Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. % Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! Finally, while an increasing number of marriages are taking place even across the boundaries of first-order divisions, as for example, between Brahmans and Vanias, and between Vanias and Patidars, such marriages even now form an extremely small proportion of the total number of marriages. The Rajputs, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only horizontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have discernible boundaries at the lowest level. Gujarati migrations to the nearby metropolis of Bombay the first new centre of administration, industry, commerce, education, and western culture, followed the same links. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, castes-and- tribes volumes, ethnographic notes and monographs and scholarly treatises such as those by Baines, Blunt, Ghurye, Hocart, Hutton, Ibbet- son, OMalley, Risley, Senart, and others. From the 15th century onwards we find historical references to political activities of Koli chieftains. To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. Kuntasi, Lothal and Somnath of Gujarat regions in Harrapan civilization were familiar with weaving and the spinning of cotton for as long as four thousand years ago. The main thrust of Pococks paper is that greater emphasis on difference rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolatedsome may say, alienatedfrom the rural masses from generation to generation. Frequently, a division among Vanias corresponded to a division among Brahmans. This list may not reflect recent changes. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). That there was room for flexibility and that the rule of caste endogamy could be violated at the highest level among the Rajputs was pointed out earlier. History. This tendency reaches its culmination in the world of Dumont. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. Advances in manufacturing technologies flooded markets in India and abroad with cheap, mass-produced fabrics that Indian handlooms could no longer compete with. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. Far too many studies of changes in caste in modern India start with a general model of caste in traditional India which is in fact a model of caste in traditional rural India. 3.8K subscribers in the gujarat community. It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Category:Social_groups_of_Gujarat&oldid=1080951156, Social groups of India by state or union territory, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License 3.0, This page was last edited on 4 April 2022, at 12:36. They are divided into two main sub-castes: Leuva Patels and Kadva Patels, who claim to be descendants of Ram's twins Luv and Kush respectively. rogers outage brampton today; levelland, tx obituaries. Let us now return to a consideration of the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the third or the fourth order. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. On this Wikipedia the language links are at the top of the page across from the article title. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Inclusion of a lower-order division in a higher-order one and distinction between various divisions in a certain order was not as unambiguous. One important first-order division, namely, Rajput, does not seem to have had any second-order division at all. These prefixes Visa and Dasa, were generally understood to be derived from the words for the numbers 20 (vis) and 10 (das), which suggested a descending order of status, but there is no definite evidence of such hierarchy in action. [CDATA[ How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. They were thus not of the same status as most other second-order divisions among Brahmans. In many villages in Gujarat, particularly in larger villages, one or two first-order divisions would be represented by more than one second-order division. Today, there are two kinds of Koli areas. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. This last name is predominantly found in Asia, where 93 percent of Limbachiya reside; 92 percent reside in South Asia and 92 percent reside in Indo-South Asia. The degree of contravention involved in an inter-divisional marriage, however, depends upon the order (i.e., first-order, second-order, etc.) (surname) Me caste; Mer (community) Meta Qureshi; Mistri caste; Miyana (community) Modh; Motisar (caste) Multani Lohar; Muslim Wagher; Mutwa; N . Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. At one end there were castes in which the principle of hierarchy had free play and the role of the principle of division was limited. The Vanias provide an example of such castes. Thus, while each second-order Koli division maintained its boundaries vis-a-vis other such divisions, each was linked with the Rajputs. Until recently, sociologists and anthropologists described Indian society as though it had no urban component in the past. Since Vankars were involved in production and business they were known as Nana Mahajans or small merchants. Besides the myths, the members of a second-order division, belonging to all ekdas, shared certain customs and institutions, including worship of a tutelary deity. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. The freedom struggle brought the Indian handloom sector back to the fore, with Mahatma Gandhi spearheading the Swadeshi cause. Thus, finding any boundary between Rajputs and Kolis in the horizontal context was impossible, although there were sharp boundaries between the two in the narrow local context. This list may not reflect recent changes. In fact, inter-tad marriages have increased so much that the tads have more or less lost their identity and such marriages are no longer considered as violating the rule of tad endogamy. There were also a number of first-order divisions, mainly of artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, with small populations. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. Since after expansion of British textile markets and decline of Indian textile industry Vankars suffered a lot. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. Although I have not, during my limited field work, come across hypergamous marriages between Rajputs and Bhils, ethnographic reports and other literature frequently refer to such marriages (see, for example, Naik 1956: 18f; Nath I960. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. endobj The castes pervaded by hierarchy and hypergamy had large populations spread evenly from village to village and frequently also from village to town over a large area. There was also another important correlation. In 1920 there were 2 Mehta families living in New Jersey. Unfortunately, such figures are not available for the last fifty years or so. Tirgaar, Tirbanda. x[? -E$nvU 4V6_}\]}/yOu__}ww7oz[_z~?=|nNT=|qq{\//]/Ft>_tV}gjjn#TfOus_?~>/GbKc.>^\eu{[GE_>'x?M5i16|B;=}-)$G&w5uvb~o:3r3v GL3or}|Y~?3s_hO?qWWpn|1>9WS3^:wTU3bN{tz;T_}so/R95iLc_6Oo_'W7y; I am not suggesting that the principle of hierarchy was insignificant in the inter- or intra-caste relations in urban centres. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. Prohibited Content 3. Britain's response was to cut off the thumbs of weavers, break their looms and impose duties on tariffs on Indian cloth, while flooding India and the world with cheaper fabric from the new steam mills of Britain. Similarly, in Saurashtra, the Talapadas were distinguished from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumval tract in north Gujarat. Jun 12, 2022 . Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. This was unlike the situation among the Rajputs who did not make any attempt to form small endogamous units. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. TOS 7. The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term caste cluster, caste complex or caste category is used for divisions of a higher order and the term caste or jati is used for divisions of a lower order. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. Created Date: A first-order division could be further divided into two or more second-order divisions. 4 0 obj All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. It is a coalescence of Kolis and Rajputs on the modern political plane based on the foundation of the traditional social and cultural symbiosis under the rubric of Kshatriya. More of them were located in the plains, than in the bordering highlands. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. For example, in a Rajput kingdom the families of the Rajput king and his nobles resided in the capital town, while the Rajput landlords and cultivators resided in villages. We need to formulate some idea of the nature of the Indian urban society and its relation with the rural society in the past, at least at the beginning of the 19th century. In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. The members of a kings caste were thus found not only in his own kingdom but in other kingdoms as well. In no other nation has something as basic as one's clothing or an act as simple as spinning cotton become so intertwined with a national movement.